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De la Rúa found himself backed into a corner by Alvarez’s demands for dismissal of several close presidential advisers, including former Labor Minister Alberto Flamarique and federal intelligence chief Fernando de Santibañes [Santibañes resigned on Oct. 20], who have been implicated in bribes allegedly paid to several senators to secure passage of Argentina’s labor law reform earlier this year, contended Gustavo Fahler López in the Buenos Aires centrist business daily Ambito Financiero (Oct. 11). “If the president of the nation were to accept all his vice president’s impositions, if he were to permit that man to dictate which persons should and...should not be in his...cabinet, then the one who should resign would not be Alvarez, but rather De la Rúa,” said Fahler López.
Within days of Alvarez’s resignation, news that key administration figures linked to the bribery scandal planned to resign merely underscored that “the Argentine political crisis could have been avoided if the leaders of the Frepaso and Radical parties had understood from the start the nature of the coalition that sustains the government,” commented the con- servative O Estado de São Paulo (Oct. 11). Faced with the urgent tasks of reviving a stagnant economy and arresting the climb in double-digit unemployment, “President Fernando de la Rúa now needs to reestablish the unity of the Alliance, restructure his government...and reclaim the confidence of both Argentines and foreign investors, without which he will not be able to overcome the economic crisis,” O Estado concluded.
Paradoxically, De la Rúa’s willingness to reach accommodation with the Peronists on a mutually acceptable candidate to become the Senate’s new leader—number two in the line of succession due to the vice presidential vacancy—bodes well for the president’s prospects to negotiate bipartisan support for his austere fiscal 2001 budget plan, Buenos Aires correspondent Tho-mas Catán reported in the centrist Financial Times of London (Oct. 10). “The whole episode has left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Argentines, who suspect Alvarez was sacrificed because he threatened established interests,” Catan wrote. “But it is a paradox of Argentine politics that the president could now find the country more governable—not less.”
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