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These diplomatic strains are evident in press commentaries from the South American nations that share common borders with Colombia, reflecting fears that escalation of the war against drug trafficking will inevitably lead Colombian guerrilla movements financed by drug revenues to seek refuge, supplies, and bases of operation in neighboring countries. “In theory, Plan Colombia is viable,” said Saõ Paulo’s conservative O Estado de São Paulo (Sept. 1). “By rigorously combating drug producers, the government would reduce the flow of financial resources that sustain the guerrillas, who... would have to seek peace.
“But in practice, things could be different,” O Estado de São Paulo cautioned. “The symbiosis between the narco-trafficker and the guerrilla is almost perfect, to the point that the one cannot be distinguished from the other. An attack on the drug producers will be an attack on the guerrillas, who must respond in kind. It is for this reason that it is feared that the civil war will be exacerbated,” in turn giving rise to the specter of escalating United States participation in the conflict, reminiscent of its experience in the Vietnam War.
Clinton’s appeal for Colombia’s neighbors to support the Pastrana government’s new antidrug campaign drew an especially icy reception in Venezuela, where the press expressed open alarm at the potential deterioration in security along the two nations’ long border and the destabilizing impact on regional security resulting from a massive infusion of U.S. military hardware and tactical support bolstering the Colombian armed forces. Diego Bautista Urbaneja, writing in the centrist El Universal of Caracas (Sept. 7), cataloged a litany of potentially damaging consequences from Plan Colombia: “A possible displacement of the drug business to Venezuela, a possible transfer of guerrilla bases to our country, a flood of refugees fleeing the intensification of violence in our neighbor, the effort to prop up the Colombian armed forces.” He questioned whether the U.S. government is unaware of these potential problems for Caracas, which can only “complicate the life of a government that is becoming an annoyance for the United States.”
Lima’s conservative Expreso (Aug. 31) argued that it was scarcely a coincidence that Clinton’s visit to Colombia came on the eve of a major regional summit in Brasília of South American heads of state. “The American president elected this moment as a symbolic gesture to reaffirm and warn the [South American] community that the presence of the United States is of vital political importance for the region,” the editorial asserts.
In a world increasingly divided into regional blocs, “it becomes essential for the United States that South America does not declare independence from its customary economic and political tutelage and form its own bloc.…The hegemonic power wants to make it clear with Plan Colombia and [Clinton’s] visit to that country…that it is still the one that will resolve the problems and conflicts of our region.”
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