Middle East
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These negotiations take place throughout the Middle East and Europe and, in the eyes of their detractors (often the people who are not invited to attend), are nothing more than a wasteful, expense-account-fueled excuse for travel funded by North American or European governments for their own purposes. The critics also point out that the meetings have not produced practical solutions to the conflict—as evidenced by events of the past two years.
Notwithstanding the criticisms, many ideas generated at these informal discussions have enabled the negotiators to have a better grasp of what is possible. New ideas on boundary demarcations, the removal of Jewish settlements in Palestinian-controlled territory, the role of monitoring and peacekeeping forces, the fate of Palestinian refugees, the status of Jerusalem—to name the most critical issues still to be resolved—have emerged at these talks and have been adopted by political leaders. Track II discussions have also been sounding boards for the wording of declarations later used in Track I negotiations.
Of greatest importance is the growing network of contacts—primarily between Israelis and Palestinians but also including representatives from North American, European, and other Middle Eastern countries—that has developed.
These contacts have kept open lines of communication when formal talks were all but nonexistent and the peace process seemed to have broken down. They provided a parallel track, a slip road, along which messages and ideas could be transferred.
Where the peace industry has failed, however, has been in its inability to transfer the message of peace beyond a relatively small group of diplomatic, political, and academic elites. It is, as a colleague of mine calls it, a diplomats’ “700 Club” in which a group of U.S.-sponsored discussants on their way to a meeting encounters a group of European-sponsored discussants on their way back from another meeting as each walks through the corridors of Frankfurt or Vienna airport. They exchange grins and handshakes, drink coffee, extend personal wishes to each other’s families, and agree that if it were left to them, they would have secured a peace agreement years ago.
Of course, it is the implementation on the ground that counts, and this has failed throughout the 10 years of Track I and II negotiations. But as long as the conflict remains unresolved, the peace industry will continue to grow.
Much of it will be wasteful and self-aggrandizing, but somewhere in there will be the germ of an idea, a new blueprint, or a backdoor contact that will make it worthwhile. Eventually, it will help smooth the asphalt on the new road that is beginning, once again, to be paved. It will help provide the directions and road signs that we in the peace industry believe will help us arrive at the correct destination.
The writer is professor of political geography in the department of Politics and Government at Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Israel.
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