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On July 9, Ma’ariv’s editorial noted that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was absent from the Cabinet session and added, “Ministers who opposed, or were due to oppose, mainly from the Labor Party, were absent, in a cowardly fashion, from the short discussion.” The editors predicted that if the bill became law, “It will be a...blight on all of us.”
Attorney General Elyakim Rubenstein was present at the meeting, although he is not a voting member of the Cabinet. Rubenstein tried to dissuade the ministers from accepting the bill. He was quoted by all Israeli media as saying: “There is no contradiction between striving to grant the Arabs equality as required by law and decency, and the fulfillment of Zionism.…Whoever wants to preserve Israel as a democracy and a Jewish state must strive to grant equality to the Arabs.” According to The Jerusalem Post (July 9): “Rubenstein’s position on Druckman’s bill was crucial to its future. Should the Knesset pass the law, and should anyone petition the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice challenging its legality, Rubinstein may refuse to defend the government in court, a decision whose importance would not be lost on the Supreme Court justices.”
Two influential former politicians and a host of private citizens joined Rubenstein. Benny Begin, a former Likud Party minister and son of the late Prime Minister Menachem Begin, broke the silence he has kept since leaving politics close to five years ago, and in a rare interview (for Reshet Bet IBA Radio and quoted in a July 10 article in Ma’ariv) condemned the cabinet’s decision: “On the cliff of these times against the background of this difficult security situation, unworthy decisions are taken, decisions that injure democracy and human rights.”
On July 9, Yediot Aharonot published a scathing opinion piece by former Meretz Party leader Shulamit Aloni in which she asked, “What is there between Ariel Sharon and democracy? Only the wrapping is democratic; the essence is racist.” She went on to say: “Today, when upward of 90 percent of the land in Israel belongs to the state, the head of the Likud Party is proposing that Arabs should be prevented from purchasing land. According to his method they [Israeli Arabs] should be placed in ghettos...just as was done to the Jews in Eastern Europe from the Middle Ages until the Enlightenment.”
Israeli Arab leaders, buoyed by the Jewish reaction, began considering a series of protests to torpedo the bill. A July 10 Jerusalem Post article quoted Abed Inbitawi, spokesman for the Israeli Arab leadership’s monitoring committee, which is composed of Arab members of Knesset, council heads, and prominent public figures, saying, “A racist bill like this should not be raised in the Knesset. It has no place in a democratic country.”
The only public support for the bill came from Hatzofeh and from National Religious Party head Effi Eitam. On July 10, Hatzofeh’s editors wrote: “While there is no doubt that Israeli Arabs must be treated with all the rules of Jewish morality and justice...any knowledgeable person knows that mixing the populations together will only deepen the tension...especially at this time, when most Israeli Arabs identify with the acts of Palestinian terror.”
On July 14, after a week of unrelenting outcries, the cabinet voted 22 to 3 to refer the bill to committee for study, effectively shelving the legislation.
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