Pulling the Plug on Independent TV
“From a luxury villa on the Costa del Sol to the vast, cold
expanse of Pragues Wenceslas Square, a vital battle
is being joined for control of television and freedom of expression
across the ex-communist bloc. In scenes reminiscent of the
1989 Velvet Revolution that toppled the communists, tens of
thousands of Czechs have been marching and protesting for
a month to save national television from the politicians they
say have betrayed the hopes and the legacy of 1989. By contrast,
President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has spent much of his
first year in office trying to secure as much television power
and influence as he can. He has just scored a coup with the
submission of Boris Berezovsky, the exiled media magnate,
to his will. In a typically Russian insider deal, Berezovsky
says he is to surrender his 49-percent stake in Russias
first television channel, ORT, to the Kremlin.”
Ian Traynor, The Guardian
(liberal),
London, England, Jan. 22, 2001.
From
Slogans to Satisfaction
“More than 11 years ago, the societies of Europes socialist
countries reached the conclusion that their desires could
not be achieved within the system in which they lived. Millions
of people rattled their keys in a call for change. Since then,
these countries have sought an equilibrium in new circumstances.
Again, however, citizens find that their wants have not been
fulfilled in the way they expected, and again the time for
change has comethough clearly not of the revolutionary
kind witnessed in 1989.”
Pavol
Minarik, Pravda (leftist),
Bratislava, Slovaka, Jan. 19, 2001.
Cutting
Off One's Nose
“NTV [Russias independent television station] is probably
doomed. Although in the war against Vladimir Gusinsky and
his team, our Supreme Commander-in-Chief has not demonstrated
any great feats of bravery, he remains as methodical and persistent
as ever. And he is not lacking in energy. This is due not
just to the power of the Prosecutors Office or the Federal
Security Service. Vladimir Putins main source of power
lies in the readiness of our people to adjust their opinions
and values to those of their superiorsthat is, to their
own advantage.”
Dmitri
Furman, Moskovskiye Novosti (liberal weekly),
Moscow, Russia, Feb. 13-19, 2001.
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Broadcasters Look Out for No. 1
“We dont know what the Czechs know. I am very sorry
that this is the case. I am very sorry that we are unable
to stand up, as journalists and as a whole society, for freedom
of the press. I would like to focus now on the question of
why we lack this ability. Why did journalists watch nonchalantly
as Laszlo Csucs, a member of parliament from the Independent
Smallholders Party, ousted the top journalists at Hungarian
Radios political reporting teams? Why is there still
no powerful movementapart from a few meaningless statementswhen
the government continues to dismiss qualified professionals
from public media, replacing them with incompetent people,
children of politicians girlfriends, and so on?”
Kasza
László, Népszabadság (independent),
Budapest, Hungary, Feb. 5, 2001.
Cracks
in the Great Firewall
“After years of sporadic control of the Internet, the Chinese
government laid down some concrete rules in October and November
2000 governing ownership, content, and other aspects of Internet
use.
The first set of rules, issued on Oct. 1, limits direct foreign
investment in Chinese Internet companies, requiring companies
to register with the Ministry of Information Industry and
apply for permission before issuing stock or signing any agreement
with a foreign investor. Another provision bans the dissemination
of any information that might harm unification of the country,
endanger national security, or subvert the government. Promoting
evil cults (an unsubtle reference to Beijings
campaign against the Falun Gong spiritual movement) is similarly
banned, along with material that disturbs social order
or undermines social stability. Other articles prohibit
the distribution of pornography or salacious material,
along with anything that harms the honor and interests
of the state. ”
A.
Lin Neumann, Jan. 18, 2001. Neumannis currently a consultant
to the Committee to Protect Journalists based in Thailand.
This passage is excerpted from a report in Attacks on the
Press 2000, which can be found at www.cpj.org.
Out
of Bounds in a Straitlaced State
“The Malaysian Internet newspaper Malaysiakini has courted
controversy from the day it went on-line over a year ago.
But last week, Malaysiakini.com, whose staple is hard-hitting
political coverage, ran into its stormiest experience yet.
Its chief editor, Steven Gan, found himself the subject of
prime-time news on the government television channel for five
straight nights. One night, the item about me even preceded
news about Dr. Mahathir, said the boyish-looking Gan,
who sports a scruffy Beatles hairdo.”
Joceline Tan, The Straits
Times (independent),
Singapore, Feb. 23, 2001.
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